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Malawi soldiers in a military band participate in a public march encouraging voter education in Lilongwe as part of the official launch of the 2025 election period. The banner reads, “An informed voter is an empowered citizen.”
Malawi is gearing up for a pivotal general election on September 16, 2025, a contest that will test the strength of its democracy. The incumbent President Lazarus Chakwera faces a challenge from two former presidents – Peter Mutharika (84, of the Democratic Progressive Party) and Joyce Banda (74, of the People’s Party) – making it a high-stakes race among veteran leaders. This election is the first full general election since the historic court-ordered re-run in 2020, which overturned a flawed 2019 vote, and memories of that crisis remain fresh. As a result, citizens are wary about transparency and fairness, and tensions are already simmering over how the election is being managed.
One major flashpoint is the integrity of the electoral process. In early 2025, a coalition of opposition parties publicly demanded electoral reforms, accusing the Malawi Electoral Commission (MEC) of lacking transparency in the voter registration drive. They cited serious problems: short registration periods, poorly communicated registration centers, shortages of materials, and other logistical failures that left many prospective voters (especially in rural areas) unregistered. The opposition even called for the resignation of the MEC chairperson and a top official of the National Registration Bureau over these issues. They warned that unless these problems are fixed – such as by extending registration, auditing the voter roll, and ensuring all eligible citizens get national IDs – the credibility of the 2025 elections could be compromised. This united stance by multiple parties highlights a fragile trust in the electoral commission, putting pressure on authorities to uphold fairness. Indeed, criticism has already mounted over the MEC’s impartiality and the handling of new voter registrations.
Another concern is the legal framework governing the vote. Important electoral reforms have been delayed: for instance, a bill to strengthen election dispute resolution and reinforce the role of the courts was still pending as of mid-2025. Malawi’s adoption of a 50%+1 majority requirement for the presidency is a positive step toward legitimacy, but it introduces uncertainty – if no candidate wins an outright majority, a runoff must be held within 60 days. Alarmingly, the MEC currently lacks funding for a potential second-round vote (estimated at about $56 million), since that expense wasn’t budgeted. This raises questions about preparedness: failing to finance a runoff could trigger a constitutional crisis or undermine the mandate of the eventual winner. Despite these challenges, Malawi does have some institutional strengths to rely on. The Constitutional Court has a strong reputation for independence, having boldly annulled the fraudulent 2019 election and ordered a fresh poll. That landmark ruling set an example across Africa by upholding the rule of law and showed Malawian courts can act as impartial arbiters of election disputes. Likewise, the country’s security forces have generally been professional and apolitical; for example, the military resisted pressure from the former regime to crack down on protesters during the 2019 crisis. These institutions – the judiciary, the military, and an increasingly vocal civil society – will be crucial safeguards as Malawi navigates a tense election season.
Beyond the mechanics of voting, corruption and misgovernance loom large as threats to Malawi’s democracy. Ironically, the 2020 election was won on an anti-corruption platform: the Tonse Alliance of Chakwera and his then-ally Vice President Saulos Chilima rode a wave of public anger over graft, promising to “clear the rubble” of corruption and create jobs. Five years later, public optimism has faded. Corruption scandals and allegations of nepotism (locally described as tribalism in government hiring) have tarnished the current administration’s image, leaving many Malawians feeling betrayed. An Afrobarometer survey found two-thirds of citizens believe corruption has worsened under the current government. This erosion of trust is dangerous: when leaders fail to live up to good governance pledges, citizens become disillusioned with democratic processes.
A central episode highlighting this challenge is the saga of the Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB). Under the leadership of Director General Martha Chizuma, the ACB pursued an unprecedented number of high-profile corruption cases – 119 cases in three years, including investigations of top politicians. This aggressive stance won public support but ruffled powerful feathers. In late 2022, Chizuma was briefly arrested on dubious charges after a leaked audio in which she discussed political interference in graft cases. Though she was reinstated, her work became increasingly stymied by institutional obstacles and lack of funding, indicating pushback from elements of the establishment. By May 2024, Chizuma decided not to renew her contract, effectively stepping down as ACB chief as the bureau’s funding was strangled. Many saw this as a setback for accountability – Malawi’s most prominent corruption fighter was effectively pushed out, even as no permanent replacement was ready. During her tenure she had even charged sitting Vice President Chilima with corruption, only for the case to be controversially dropped by state prosecutors. To activists, this sequence of events signaled that the political will to truly combat graft is waning, potentially allowing impunity to fester. Civil society leaders have since issued urgent demands: appoint a credible, independent new ACB director quickly, ensure the bureau’s financial and operational independence, and boost oversight so that high-level corruption cases aren’t swept under the rug. Without such measures, there is fear that Malawi could slide back into impunity and erode the rule of law – a direct threat to democracy.
Corruption’s toll on democracy is also evident in how it harms everyday governance and public trust. Patronage and graft siphon resources away from public services in a country where the needs are immense. Malawi ranks a mediocre 115th of 180 countries on Transparency International’s corruption index, and while it’s not the worst, the persistence of graft is “particularly damaging” in a nation with an annual per capita income of only ~$463. Money lost to corruption means fewer jobs, medicines, teachers, and roads – frustrations that inevitably fuel public discontent. Promises broken by leaders – such as the Tonse Alliance’s pledge of creating one million jobs, which remains far from fulfilled – add to a narrative of disillusionment. As Malawi heads into elections, many citizens cite corruption and poor governance as top concerns, and demand that whoever wins must take bold action to reform. If the electoral contest is perceived as just a recycling of elites who tolerate corruption, apathy or unrest could result. Conversely, a strong stance by all candidates to commit to integrity, strengthen watchdog institutions, and avoid using state resources for partisan gain would help rebuild faith in the democratic system.
Layered on top of political issues is a severe economic and social crisis that is both influencing the election and potentially undermining stability. Malawi’s economy has been battered in recent years by natural disasters and fiscal challenges. A drought in 2024 hit agricultural output (the backbone of this largely rural country), contributing to a spike in unemployment and food prices. Food inflation soared above 20%, and as of early 2025 one quarter of Malawi’s 23 million people are facing acute food insecurity. This hunger emergency is an alarming backdrop to the elections – a hungry, economically desperate population is understandably impatient for change.
Adding to this, Malawi has experienced crippling financial turmoil. By January 2025, inflation neared 29% year-on-year, driven by a collapse in foreign exchange reserves that led to shortages of imported essentials like fuel and fertilizer. Fuel queues and blackouts have become common, and the local currency (kwacha) lost value on a thriving black market. The government has had to slash its economic growth forecasts, acknowledging that last year growth was a paltry 1.8% due to these shocks. Over 70% of Malawians live on less than $2.15 a day, so this cost-of-living crisis has pushed many families to the brink. It has also become a major campaign issue and a source of anger toward the incumbent administration.
Unsurprisingly, social unrest has flared up. In late 2023 and early 2024, a series of anti-government protests erupted across major cities like Lilongwe and Blantyre. These demonstrations – involving everyone from street vendors to jobless youth – protested the government’s failure to curb soaring prices and economic hardship. Protesters accused authorities of mismanagement as they struggled to afford basic goods, and some clashes with police were reported during these rallies. By February 2025, as the election drew closer, discontent was still on display: crowds of young people joined vendors in the streets, venting frustration at President Chakwera’s leadership and demanding relief. The message was clear – “No jobs, no trust,” as one headline put it, encapsulating how economic grievances have eroded trust in politicians among Malawi’s youthful population.
This pervasive economic pain has two major implications for democracy. First, it is feeding a sense of desperation and polarization. Communities suffering from poverty may be more susceptible to politicians’ populist rhetoric or divisive narratives blaming rivals for their woes. There is a risk of politicians exploiting regional or ethnic sentiments (the mention of tribalism reflects concerns that leaders favor their home region or group, breeding resentment). Already, political party rallies have traded accusations over who is to blame for the crisis, heightening tensions. Second, the hardship has led to voter apathy in some segments. Many Malawians are so busy trying to make ends meet that political participation feels like a luxury or a futile exercise. Reports indicate that only about 7.2 million out of 10.9 million eligible voters have registered (around 65.7%), a lower rate than expected. Analysts attribute this to frustration over unfulfilled campaign promises and a lack of “real” choices on the ballot. Disillusioned citizens, especially youth, may question whether voting will improve their lives, given that past leaders – whether from the ruling party or opposition – have all presided over tough times. Some are instead channeling their energy into daily survival or informal work, distancing themselves from politics. This disengagement is worrying for Malawi’s democracy: if too many people lose faith in elections as the avenue for change, it weakens the mandate of elected leaders and can open the door to undemocratic alternatives. To counter this, candidates will need to present concrete solutions for economic recovery and demonstrate empathy for citizens’ struggles. In the lead-up to the polls, peaceful dialogue and engagement with disaffected groups – such as the young protesters – will be essential to prevent further flare-ups. The electoral period must address these socioeconomic grievances through debate and manifestos, not by suppressing dissent.
Malawi Electoral Commission (MEC) officially launch of the 2025 General Election. (n.d.). MEC. https://mec.org.mw/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/MCHW7724-1110x630.jpg
Even as challenges persist, Malawi has notable strengths in its civil society and media landscape, which are playing a constructive role in safeguarding democracy during this election period. The country enjoys a relatively free press and active civic space by regional standards. Independent newspapers, radio stations, and online outlets regularly scrutinize those in power. In fact, under the Chakwera administration there have been improvements such as greater enforcement of the Access to Information law and the licensing of more community radio stations, broadening the diversity of voices in the media. A vibrant coalition of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and faith groups in Malawi keeps up pressure for accountability and provides voter education at the grassroots level. This resilient civil society has consistently demanded transparency and respect for rule of law, which is a positive force pushing back against any democratic backsliding.
Ahead of the 2025 vote, these actors have ramped up efforts to promote a peaceful and informed election. Notably, on July 10, 2025, Malawi’s journalists, media owners, government representatives, and other stakeholders came together to sign a pledge on the safety of journalists and ethical reporting. In this unprecedented pledge, media practitioners vowed to uphold fairness and accuracy, and to actively combat disinformation, hate speech, and inflammatory content during the election period. They recognized that when journalists can operate without fear, and when reporting is responsible, citizens are better informed and less likely to be swayed by dangerous rumors – which in turn reduces the risk of election-related violence. The pledge also commits authorities to respond quickly to any attacks on reporters and to enforce laws against those who would harm media workers. This collaborative stance, involving even the police and political party reps at the signing, is a strong signal that Malawi’s society values freedom of expression and understands its link to a healthy democracy. As MISA (Media Institute of Southern Africa) officials noted at the event, fostering trust between the public and the media is critical so that voters can receive credible information and make informed choices. By pro-actively addressing the threat of misinformation and ensuring journalist safety, Malawi is learning from other countries’ experiences and aiming to avoid the kind of media-fueled tensions that have marred elections elsewhere.
The security forces, namely the Malawi Police Service and Malawi Defence Force, are also positioning themselves as neutral guarantors of peace. In a highly unusual but significant move, the heads of the police and military issued a joint public statement in January 2025 condemning political violence and hate speech by any actors. This statement warned that incitement to violence, whether by party militants or on social media, “has the potential of plunging the country into chaos” as elections approach. The security chiefs urged citizens not to be manipulated by those spreading division, and reassured the public that the forces are taking all measures to protect people’s safety and property during the election season. Such a unified message from the army and police is rare in Malawi’s history, and it underscores how seriously they view the risk of election-related unrest. On one hand, many observers welcomed this as a commitment by security agencies to remain professional, prevent violence, and not allow a repeat of past clashes. Indeed, Malawi’s military has a track record of discipline and respect for constitutional order; it stood by the law during the 2019 crisis rather than siding with a sitting president’s attempt to cling to power. On the other hand, the joint statement sparked debate and some public anxiety. Critics on social media wondered if it was a veiled attempt by the government to intimidate the opposition and stifle legitimate dissent under the guise of keeping peace. The fact that the statement did not name specific perpetrators of violence led to speculation and finger-pointing: opposition supporters suspect it’s aimed at them, while government backers cheer the forces for “stepping in to maintain order”. This mixed reaction reveals a trust deficit that still exists; the security forces must not only be neutral, but be seen to be neutral. Moving forward, it will be important for the police and army to engage transparently with all political sides, perhaps through dialogue platforms, to assure everyone that their sole interest is national stability. The development of an integrated national election security plan (which the security organs have mentioned) is a positive step, as is the involvement of international observers who often coordinate with local police on election day logistics. Overall, having the media, civil society, and security sectors each pledging to uphold peace and fairness provides hope that, despite tensions, Malawi can avoid violence and conduct a credible election. These groups act as watchdogs and referees in the process, complementing the formal election authorities.
As Malawi stands at this crossroads, the challenges are undeniable: economic malaise, governance deficits, political rivalries, and public frustration are all converging around the 2025 polls. Yet, this election also presents an opportunity to reinforce Malawi’s young democracy. The country has surprised the world before; in 2020, it showed that a determined citizenry and independent institutions could overturn a flawed election and set a new course. In 2025, Malawians again have the chance to demand integrity and accountability through their votes, and to insist that any disputes be settled through dialogue and legal channels, not violence. Ensuring a peaceful election will require restraint and statesmanship from all political leaders. All parties must put Malawi’s stability first, avoiding inflammatory rhetoric and actively discouraging their supporters from any form of intimidation or unrest. If there are grievances, be it about campaign conduct, polling logistics, or results, the proper response is to use the courts, mediation by neutral bodies, or other diplomatic solutions, rather than taking matters to the streets. It is encouraging that regional and international partners (such as the Southern African Development Community and the EU) are closely watching Malawi’s election; their diplomatic support for a fair process and readiness to assist in conflict resolution can help cool heads prevail.)
Crucially, addressing the root causes of citizens’ anger will help ease tensions. That means candidates should offer concrete plans on reviving the economy, creating jobs for youth, tackling corruption decisively, and ending nepotismin government. Tangible commitments in these areas can give people hope that their vote will bring positive change, reducing the appeal of any call to undermine the process. Likewise, continuing voter education and peace messaging at the community level (through churches, radio programs, and traditional leaders) can reinforce unity. Malawians have a saying that “unity is power”; in this delicate period, unity of purpose in preserving peace is indeed the nation’s strength. All citizens, whether partisan or not, share an interest in avoiding the kind of chaos seen in some other countries’ elections. The coming weeks should thus be a time of patriotic solidarity: debates and disagreements, yes, but all carried out within the bounds of respect and national interest.
The stakes in this election are high. The outcome will determine not just who leads Malawi, but whether the country continues on a democratic path or slips into instability and authoritarian tendencies. As an NGO dedicated to peace and human rights, we underscore that free and fair elections are the cornerstone of a healthy democracy. Every Malawian deserves the right to vote without coercion, to hear all voices freely, and to trust that their institutions will uphold the rule of law. The issues of corruption, poverty, and injustice raised during this campaign must be addressed through inclusive dialogue and reforms, not through censorship or crackdowns. By confronting these challenges together, Malawi can emerge from this election with a stronger democracy and a renewed social contract between leaders and citizens.
At Pledge4Peace, we believe that lasting solutions come through diplomacy, education, and collective action – not violence. The situation in Malawi is a powerful reminder that democracy must be defended with vigilance, integrity, and truth.
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